søndag 23. mai 2021

Hatretorikken og rasismen mot MDG og LAN.

 

Og bare for å ha sagt det. Denne svertekampanjen vi ser mot Lan og MDG, kommer ikke fra grasroten. Det er en kalkulert ovenfra og ned kampanje fra Oljelobbyen og dens medsammensvorne i media, klimafornekterbevegelsen og kokohøyre.

Dette har pågått i flere år, med bl.a. Nettavisen og Stavrum som matbringere til kommetarfeltkloakken.
Nettavisen forfulgte henne så voldsomt at for en gangs skyld reagerte andre mediehus. Og det sier hvor ille det var, for journaliststanden i Oslo marsjerer ellers i samlet flokk når de lukter blod. Ikke bare produserte Nettavisen sine angrep selv, de publiserte også angrep på Lan fra folk på ytre høyre som hater henne. 


Slik som dette ser det ut i FAcebook-gruppen Vi som hater MGD



Et lite utvalg av hatmeldingene:

























https://www.nrk.no/norge/tina-bru-tar-lan-marie-berg-i-forsvar_-_-na-er-det-faen-meg-nok-1.15506086?
fbclid=IwAR3DPz5iolRTBXBNIlvB1ZjMwpd1LCzTW87LIQMPKwGy7SYYLCpub-UADxU























fredag 21. mai 2021

Vår tids pest: nyliberalismen

Problemet er at det Republikanske partiet har blitt hijacket av nyliberalismen og oligarkene bak. Hele tea-party bevegelsen er grunnlagt,sponset og dyrket frem av frimarkeds-fundamentalister som Koch-brødrene. Som ser på velgermassen sin som nyttige idioter som kan brukes til å hjelpe dem med å angripe myndighetene for å forhindre reguleringer mot deres pengestrøm.

Hvis myndighetenes reguleringer og avgifter presenteres som noe som vil opprettholde luftkvalitet, godt drikkevann etc, er det vanskelig for mektig industri å få støtte ideologisk og politisk. Fordi alle jo vil ha rent vann og ren luft å puste i.

Men hvis myndighetenes gode hensikter kan mistenkeliggjøres og vris på og presenteres som noe som kun er "innskrenking av folks frihet" og noe de bare gjør for å "skattlegge samfunnet", vil en automatisk få støtte hos folk som i utgangspunktet er negative til at at myndigheter "har for mye makt" over individet - og over industrien. Oligarkene er veldig gode til å smiske med stammen sin. Til å fortelle dem akkurat det de vil høre. De har hundrevis av tenkesmier som påvirker saueflokken til å handle sammenfallende med deres egeninteresser.

Tankesmiene er tårene fra de 1% rike. De gråter elver hver gang blod-pengestrømmen deres trues. Vi må ALDRI handle eller engang tørre å tenke tanker som kan komme i konflikt med egeninteressene til de 1 % rike og "flyten av ting". De vil at vi skal forbli bønder for deres plutokrati. De vil at vi skal fortsette å spise giften deres og fortsette å være stille.

"Friheten som nyliberalismen byr på, som høres så forførende ut når den uttrykkes i generelle vendinger, viser seg å bety frihet for baronene, ikke for undersåttene. Ordene som brukes av nyliberalismen skjuler ofte mer enn de belyser. "Markedet" høres ut som et naturlig fritt system, men har en tendens til å ende opp med hva mektige selskaper og deres sjefer vil ha.

Frihet fra fagforeninger og kollektive forhandlinger betyr frihet til å undertrykke lønn. Frihet fra reguleringer betyr friheten til å forgifte elver, sette arbeidere i fare og belaste oss med urettferdige renter. Frihet fra skatt betyr frihet fra fordeling av formue som løfter mennesker ut av fattigdom. 

Kanskje den farligste effekten av nyliberalismen er ikke de økonomiske krisene den har forårsaket, men den politiske krisen. Etter hvert som statens domene reduseres, reduseres også vår evne til å påvirke og endre våre liv gjennom demokratiske valg.

Fascistiske bevegelser bygger ikke basen sin fra de politisk aktive, men de politisk inaktive," taperne ", som ofte føler at de ikke har noen stemme eller rolle å spille i det politiske etablissementet. Når politisk debatt ikke lenger snakker til oss, blir folk istedet lydhøre for slagord, symboler og populisme. Derfor blir fakta og argumenter irrelevante for de som beundrer Trump."

https://www.theguardian.com/books/2016/apr/15/neoliberalism-ideology-problem-george-monbiot



The problem is that the Republican Party has been hijacked by neoliberalism and the oligarchs behind it. The entire tea party movement is founded, sponsored and cultivated by free market fundamentalists such as the Koch brothers. Who see their electorate as useful idiots who can be used to help them attack the authorities to prevent regulations against their cash flow. If the authorities' regulations are presented as something that will maintain air quality, good drinking water etc, it is difficult for powerful polluter industry to get ideological and political support. 

Because everyone wants clean water and clean air to breathe in. But if the good intentions of the authorities can be suspected and twisted and presented as something that is only "restriction of people's freedom" and something they only do to "tax society", one will automatically get support from people who are basically negative to authorities and  how they "have too much power" over the individual - and over industry. 

The oligarchs are very good at pandering to their tribe. To tell them exactly what they want to hear. They have hundreds of think tanks that influence the flock of sheeps to act in conjunction with their own interests. 

The think tanks are the tears from the 1% rich. They cry rivers every time their blood-cash flow is threatened. We must NEVER act or even dare to think thoughts that may conflict with the self-interests of the 1% rich and the "flow of things". They want us to remain peasants for their plutocracy. They want us to keep eating their poison and keep quiet.

The freedom that neoliberalism offers, which sounds so beguiling when expressed in general terms, turns out to mean freedom for the pike, not for the minnows. “The market” sounds like a natural system that might bear upon us equally, like gravity or atmospheric pressure. But it is fraught with power relations. What “the market wants” tends to mean what corporations and their bosses want.

Freedom from trade unions and collective bargaining means the freedom to suppress wages. Freedom from regulation means the freedom to poison rivers, endanger workers, charge iniquitous rates of interest and design exotic financial instruments. Freedom from tax means freedom from the distribution of wealth that lifts people out of poverty.

Perhaps the most dangerous impact of neoliberalism is not the economic crises it has caused, but the political crisis. As the domain of the state is reduced, our ability to change the course of our lives through voting also contracts.

“fascist movements build their base not from the politically active but the politically inactive, the ‘losers’ who feel, often correctly, they have no voice or role to play in the political establishment”. When political debate no longer speaks to us, people become responsive instead to slogans, symbols and sensation. To the admirers of Trump, for example, facts and arguments appear irrelevant.



fredag 2. april 2021

Understanding the Fossil Fuel Industry's Legacy of White Supremacy

 

“In researching the history of oil in modern America since the 1860s to the present, oil was I think unquestionably the most racially homogenous industry in America. And, there are clear racist patterns of organization within the industry from the very beginning,” says Douchuk, author of Anointed with Oil: How Christianity and Crude Made Modern America.

White supremacy can be narrowly defined as a system of overtly racist individuals who seek to oppress or eliminate anyone who is not white, and more broadly as a system designed to protect and elevate whiteness. This latter definition shifts the focus from a few explicitly racist individuals to the underlying system of norms that give white people a disproportionate advantage. A banal example is when a nightclub establishes a “No Timbs” policy, referring to the brand of work boots long fashionable in Black hip-hop culture, to exclude young Black male patrons.

https://www.desmogblog.com/2021/03/29/fossil-fuel-industry-legacy-white-supremacy?fbclid=IwAR1Zk-JXfJuu7UN7NAtmb4DhP54rNKiIuEnuJdtWF4VuxQr0XDGlasHDbJI


"In early 2017, the Texans for Natural Gas website went live to urge voters to “thank a roughneck” and support fracking. Around the same time, the Arctic Energy Center ramped up its advocacy for drilling in Alaskan waters and in a vast Arctic wildlife refuge. The next year, the Main Street Investors Coalition warned that climate activism doesn’t help mom-and-pop investors in the stock market.

All three appeared to be separate efforts to amplify local voices or speak up for regular people.

On closer look, however, the groups had something in common: They were part of a network of corporate influence campaigns designed, staffed and at times run by FTI Consulting, which had been hired by some of the largest oil and gas companies in the world to help them promote fossil fuels."

https://www.nytimes.com/2020/11/11/climate/fti-consulting.html

The story of how potent forces came together to mount an army of climate change skeptics in the name of God, country and capitalism.

https://religionlab.virginia.edu/godgreen/


torsdag 1. april 2021

More extreme weather?

Misuse of statistics and causation is starting to get tiring now. One does not measure the severity of climate change and global warming  against "how many people die in natural disasters" alone. Nor in the number of extreme weather.

There is a significant difference most people do not notice.

Climate change does not create bad weather, extreme weather or natural disasters, but climate change exacerbates them.

https://climatecentre.org/news/1336/un-climate-related-disasters-increase-more-than-80-over-last-four-decades

https://phys.org/news/2018-05-powerful-hurricanes-faster-years.html#jCp

There is a global increase in the major tropical cyclones over the last 40 years - compared to accident statistics

Climate skeptics downplay global warming by referring to various graphs of the death toll from storms, floods and droughts over the past hundred years.

The interpretation of statistics on deaths / injuries as a result of natural disasters over time must take into account the following:

1. comprehensive individual disasters have a major impact on the statistics

2. the registration methods change

3. better weather forecast and more organized security / evacuation prevent loss of human life

4. better aid apparatus saves more after the disaster

5. the proportion of those living in large cities increases (less security in rural areas)

6. better infrastructure (roads, vehicles, power grids, telephone networks) saves more

7. the use of robust construction technology is increasing

8. better flood regulation of rivers and watercourses

Katharine Hayhoe:

“Hurricanes, tropical cyclones and typhoons aren’t getting more frequent, either: but they are getting stronger as they’re super-charged by warming oceans. They are also intensifying faster and getting bigger, slower, and with a lot more rain associated with them. It’s estimated that nearly 40% of the rain that fell during Hurricane Harvey would not have fallen if the exact same storm had occurred a hundred years ago.”



But it is sad if the progress of the planet's population over the last 40 years is to be eaten up by climate change that worsens living conditions. Large areas become uninhabitable as a result of drier climates, more frequent heat waves, more frequent floods, more frequent torrential rains, more hurricanes and higher water levels. It is great to be saved from the storm, but bitter to be saved for a life of poverty and homelessness.

Research shows an increase in powerful hurricanes. The warmer the seawater, the more stormy, because the amount of latent heat in the atmosphere increases through increased evaporation.

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2709331

https://www.pnas.org/content/117/22/1197

https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2021/jan/08/us-2020-record-year-climate-disasters-wildfires-hurricanes?fbclid=IwAR1q-LedpFz_JGS8e8z3Wu4DXBKthN5zkr5JpDg6W_wGzUgG0_KVERj-AnU

"For thunderstorm-related losses the analysis reveals increasing volatility and a significant long-term upward trend in the normalized figures over the last 40 years. These figures have been adjusted to account for factors such as increasing values, population growth and inflation ... In all likelihood, we have to regard this finding as an initial climate-change footprint in our US loss data from the last four decades."

"Nowhere in the world is the rising number of natural catastrophes more evident than in North America. The study shows a nearly quintupled number of weather-related loss events in North America for the past three decades, compared with an increase factor of 4 in Asia, 2.5 in Africa, 2 in Europe and 1.5 in South America. Anthropogenic climate change is believed to contribute to this trend, though it influences various perils in different ways."




https://www.munichre.com/en/media-relations/publications/press-releases/2012/2012-10-17-press-release/index.html

mandag 22. februar 2021

Why Texas Republicans Fear the Green New Deal

 By Naomi Klein

"Since the power went out in Texas, the state’s most prominent Republicans have tried to pin the blame for the crisis on, of all things, a sweeping progressive mobilization to fight poverty, inequality and climate change. “This shows how the Green New Deal would be a deadly deal,” Gov. Greg Abbott of Texas said Wednesday on Fox News. Pointing to snow-covered solar panels, Rick Perry, a former governor who was later an energy secretary for the Trump administration, declared in a tweet “that if we humans want to keep surviving frigid winters, we are going to have to keep burning natural gas — and lots of it — for decades to come.”
The claims are outlandish. The Green New Deal is, among other things, a plan to tightly regulate and upgrade the energy system so the United States gets 100 percent of its electricity from renewables in a decade. Texas, of course, still gets the majority of its energy from gas and coal; much of that industry’s poorly insulated infrastructure froze up last week when it collided with wild weather that prompted a huge surge in demand. (Despite the claims of many conservatives, renewable energy was not to blame.) It was the very sort of freakish weather system now increasingly common, thanks to the unearthing and burning of fossil fuels like coal and gas. While the link between global warming and rare cold fronts like the one that just slammed Texas remains an area of active research, Katharine Hayhoe, a climate scientist at Texas Tech University, says the increasing frequency of such events should be “a wake up call.”
But weather alone did not cause this crisis. Texans are living through the collapse of a 40-year experiment in free-market fundamentalism, one that has also stood in the way of effective climate action. Fortunately, there’s a way out — and that’s precisely what Republican politicians in the state most fear.
An Energy-Market Free-for-All
A fateful series of decisions were made in the late-’90s, when the now-defunct, scandal-plagued energy company Enron led a successful push to radically deregulate Texas’s electricity sector. As a result, decisions about the generation and distribution of power were stripped from regulators and, in effect, handed over to private energy companies. Unsurprisingly, these companies prioritized short-term profit over costly investments to maintain the grid and build in redundancies for extreme weather.
Today, Texans are at the mercy of regulation-allergic politicians who failed to require that energy companies plan for shocks or weatherize their infrastructure (renewables and fossil fuel alike). In a recent appearance on NBC’s “Today” show, Austin’s mayor, Steve Adler, summed it up: “We have a deregulated power system in the state and it does not work, because it does not build in the incentives in order to protect people.”
This energy-market free-for-all means that as the snow finally melts, many Texans are discovering that they owe their private electricity providers thousands of dollars — a consequence of leaving pricing to the whims of the market. The $200,000 energy bills some people received, the photos of which went viral online, were, it seems, a mistake. But some bills approaching $10,000 are the result of simple supply and demand in a radically underregulated market. “The last thing an awful lot of people need right now is a higher electric bill,” said Matt Schulz, chief industry analyst with LendingTree. “And that’s unfortunately something a lot of people will get stuck with.” This is bad news for those customers, but great news for shale gas companies like Comstock Resources Inc. On an earnings call last Wednesday, its chief financial officer said, “This week is like hitting the jackpot with some of these incredible prices.”
Put bluntly, Texas is about as far from having a Green New Deal as any place on earth. So why have Republicans seized it as their scapegoat of choice?
A Shock to the System
Blame right-wing panic. For decades, the Republicans have met every disaster with a credo I have described as “the shock doctrine.” When disaster strikes, people are frightened and dislocated. They focus on handling the emergencies of daily life, like boiling snow for drinking water. They have less time to engage in politics and a reduced capacity to protect their rights. They often regress, deferring to strong and decisive leaders — think of New York’s ill-fated love affairs with then-Mayor Rudy Giuliani after the 9/11 attacks and Gov. Andrew Cuomo in the early months of the Covid-19 pandemic.
Large-scale shocks — natural disasters, economic collapse, terrorist attacks — become ideal moments to smuggle in unpopular free-market policies that tend to enrich elites at everyone else’s expense. Crucially, the shock doctrine is not about solving underlying drivers of crises: It’s about exploiting those crises to ram through your wish list even if it exacerbates the crisis.
To explain this phenomenon, I often quote a guru of the free market revolution, the late economist Milton Friedman. In 1982, he wrote about what he saw as the mission of right-wing economists like him: “Only a crisis — actual or perceived — produces real change. When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. That, I believe, is our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable.”
Republicans have effectively deployed this tactic even after crises like the 2008 market collapse, created by financial deregulation and made deadlier by decades of austerity. Democrats have, largely, been willing partners. This seems counterintuitive, but it all comes back to Friedman’s credo: The change doesn’t depend on the reasons for the crisis, only on who has the ideas “lying around” — a kind of intellectual disaster preparedness. And for a long time, it was only the right, bolstered by a network of free-market think tanks linked to both major parties, that had its ideas at the ready.
When Hurricane Katrina broke through New Orleans’s long-neglected levees in 2005, there was, briefly, some hope that the catastrophe might serve as a kind of wake-up call. Witnessing the abandonment of thousands of residents on their rooftops and in the Superdome, small-government fetishists suddenly lost their religion. “When a city is sinking into the sea and rioting runs rampant, government probably should saddle-up,” Jonah Goldberg, a prominent right-wing commentator, wrote at the time. In environmental circles, there was also discussion that the disaster could spur climate action. Some dared to predict that the collapsed levees would be for the small-government, free-market legacy of Reaganism what the fall of the Berlin Wall was for Soviet Communism.
None of it happened. Instead, New Orleans became a laboratory for the shock doctrine. Public schools were shut down en masse, replaced by charter schools. Public housing was demolished, and costly townhouses sprang up, preventing thousands of the city’s poorest residents, the majority of them Black, from ever returning. The reconstruction of the city became a feeding ground for private contractors. Republicans used the cover of crisis to call for expanded oil and gas exploration and new refinery capacity, much as Mr. Perry is doing right now in Texas with his calls for doubling down on gas.
Many tried to stop them. Teachers’ unions, despite having their members scattered throughout the country, did their best to fight the privatizations. Residents of public housing and their supporters faced tear gas to try to stop the demolition of their homes. But there were no readily available, alternate ideas lying around for how New Orleans could be rebuilt to make it both greener and fairer for all of its residents.
Even if there had been, there was no political muscle to turn such ideas into reality. Though the environmental justice movement has deep roots in Louisiana’s “cancer alley,” the climate justice movement was only just emerging at the time Katrina struck. There was no Sunrise Movement, the youth-led organization that occupied Nancy Pelosi’s office after the 2018 midterms to demand “good jobs, and a livable planet.” There was no “squad,” the ad hoc alliance of congressional progressives whose most visible member, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, sent shock waves through Washington by joining the Sunrisers in their occupation. There had not yet been two Bernie Sanders presidential campaigns to show Americans how popular these ideas really are. And there was certainly no national movement for a Green New Deal.
Lying in Ruin
The difference between then and now goes a very long way toward explaining why Mr. Abbott is railing against a policy plan that, as of now, exists primarily on paper. In a crisis, ideas matter — he knows this. He also knows that the Green New Deal, which promises to create millions of union jobs building out shock-resilient green energy infrastructure, transit and affordable housing, is extremely appealing. This is especially true now, as so many Texans suffer under the overlapping crises of unemployment, houselessness, racial injustice, crumbling public services and extreme weather.
All that Texas’s Republicans have to offer, in contrast, is continued oil and gas dependence — driving more climate disruption — alongside more privatizations and cuts to public services to pay for their state’s mess, which we can expect them to push in the weeks and months ahead.
Will it work? Unlike when the Republican Party began deploying the shock doctrine, its free-market playbook is no longer novel. It has been tried and repeatedly tested: by the pandemic, by spiraling hunger and joblessness, by extreme weather. And it is failing all of those tests — so much so that even the most ardent cheerleaders of deregulation now point to Texas’s energy grid as a cautionary tale. A recent article in the Wall Street Journal, for instance, called the deregulation of Texas’s energy system “a fundamental flaw.”
In short, Republican ideas are no longer lying around — they are lying in ruin. Small government is simply no match for this era of big, interlocking problems. Moreover, for the first time since Margaret Thatcher, Britain’s former prime minister, declared that “there is no alternative” to leaving our fates to the market, progressives are ready with a host of problem-solving plans. The big question is whether the Democrats who hold power in Washington will have the courage to implement them.
The horrors currently unfolding in Texas expose both the reality of the climate crisis and the extreme vulnerability of fossil fuel infrastructure in the face of that crisis. So of course the Green New Deal finds itself under fierce attack. Because for the first time in a long time, Republicans face the very thing that they claim to revere but never actually wanted: competition — in the battle of ideas."

The New Climate Wars: How vested interests delay action

 
























The New Climate Wars: How vested interests delay action (irishtimes.com)

Climate scientist Michael Mann: U.S. is in position to be a leader on climate change | StateImpact Pennsylvania (npr.org)

Climatologist Michael E Mann: 'Good people fall victim to doomism. I do too sometimes' | Climate change | The Guardian

torsdag 18. februar 2021

Forskere har i lengre tid vært klar over hvor raskt klimasystemet vil stoppe global oppvarming som svar på at vår forbrenning av fossile brensler opphører. / Scientists have been aware of how quickly the climate system will stop warming in response to a human cessation of the burning of fossil fuels for some time

The message hasn't penetrated deeply yet into a more broad understanding of the science yet, which is the fault of science communicators and news outlets, not climate scientists.

Scientists have been aware of how quickly the climate system will stop warming in response to a human cessation of the burning of fossil fuels for some time (prior to the AR5 back in 2013/2014).

Basically, warming is tied to our fossil fuel emissions.

When emissions stop, warming stops.

It can also be seen here, in Canada's Changing Climate Report for 2019 (page 98). Figure 3.9 (page 99) shows the persistence of elevated temperatures after emissions cease:

"regardless of when emissions cease, GMST remains approximately constant for the subsequent millennium"

https://changingclimate.ca/site/assets/uploads/sites/2/2019/01/Figure-3.9-1.png

https://changingclimate.ca/CCCR2019

https://changingclimate.ca/CCCR2019/downloads/

https://changingclimate.ca/CCCR2019/graphics/

https://changingclimate.ca/site/assets/uploads/sites/2/2019/04/CCCR_FULLREPORT-EN-FINAL.pdf

That's based on:

Gillett et al 2011 - Ongoing climate change following a complete cessation of carbon dioxide emissions

https://www.nature.com/articles/ngeo1047

https://www.nature.com/articles/ngeo1047/figures/2

https://media.springernature.com/full/springer-static/image/art%3A10.1038%2Fngeo1047/MediaObjects/41561_2011_Article_BFngeo1047_Fig2_HTML.jpg?as=webp

The AR5 showed that warming is (linearly) proportional to cumulative carbon emissions and is "independent of both the atmospheric CO2 concentration and its rate of change".  So when the bolus perturbation ends, the climate system quickly plateaus.  This means that negative feedbacks roughly cancel out positive ones from the Cryosphere, maintaining global temperatures.

Matthews et al 2009 - The proportionality of global warming to cumulative carbon emissions

https://www.nature.com/articles/nature08047

This article from Andy should be regarded as the go-to Skeptical Science article on the subject:

"It just so happens that the delayed heating from this [ocean] thermal inertia balances almost exactly with the drop in CO2 concentrations, meaning the temperature of the Earth would stay approximately constant from the minute we stopped adding more CO2"

https://skepticalscience.com//global-warming-not-reversible-but-stoppable.html

And from Michael Mann:

"Scientists used to “treat carbon dioxide in the atmosphere as if it was a simple control knob that you turn up” and temperatures climb accordingly, “but in the real world we now know that’s not what happens,” Mann said. Instead, if humans “stop emitting carbon right now … the oceans start to take up carbon more rapidly.” The actual lag effect between halting CO2 emissions and halting temperature rise, then, is not 25 to 30 years but, per Mann, “more like three to five years.”

In short, this game-changing new scientific understanding suggests that humanity can turn down the heat almost immediately by slashing heat-trapping emissions. “Our destiny is determined by our behavior,” said Mann"

https://www.cjr.org/covering_climate_now/michael-mann-60-minutes-emissions-warming.php

https://insideclimatenews.org/news/03012021/five-aspects-climate-change-2020/

MacDougall et al 2020 - Is there warming in the pipeline? A multi-model analysis of the Zero Emissions Commitment from CO2

https://bg.copernicus.org/articles/17/2987/2020/bg-17-2987-2020-discussion.html

https://globalchange.mit.edu/publication/17466





tirsdag 12. januar 2021

Falsifiserings-taktikken. Scientific Certainty Argumentation Methods (SCAMs): Science and the Politics of Doub -


En av forurenserindustrienes mest effektive taktikker har vært å kreve 100% bevis. Og hvis ikke vitenskapen kan frembringe dette, er det ingen grunn til å iverksette reguleringer.


I det minste siden Poppers tid har forskere forstått at vitenskap leverer falsifisering, men ikke "bevis". I en verden av miljømessige og teknologiske kontroverser fortsetter imidlertid mange å forlange spesifikke "bevis", ofte under dekke av "vitenskapelig sikkerhet." 

Nærmere undersøkelse av tvister i den virkelige verden antyder at slike krav ikke bare gjenspeileer en grunnleggende misforståelse av vitenskapens natur, men en smart og overraskende effektiv politisk-økonomisk taktikk - "Scientific Certainty" Argumentation Methods, eller SCAMs. 

Hver ekte vitenskapelig teori er, etter Poppers syn, uoverkommelig, i den forstand at den forbyr, underforstått, spesielle hendelser eller bevegelser. Som sådan kan den testes og forfalskes, men aldri logisk verifiseres. 

Det blir litt som å si at enhjørninger eksisterer fordi vi ikke kan motbevise at de ikke gjør det.

Men her er poenget, som og Popper sier:

Den teorien som til enhver tid har størst konsensus anerkjennes som fakta til den evt blir falsifisert og / eller erstattet av en bedre teori.

Gitt at de fleste vitenskapelige funn iboende er sannsynlige og tvetydige, hvis etater blir forhindret fra å iverksette reguleringer inntil vitenskapelig funn er "100% fakta", kan de fleste reguleringer omgås eller utsettes, ofte i flere tiår, slik at lønnsomme, men potensielt risikable aktiviteter kan fortsette uforminsket. En undersøkende undersøkelse av tidligere dokumenterte kontroverser antyder at SCAMs er mer utbredt enn det som tidligere har blitt anerkjent, og at de fortjener større oppmerksomhet i fremtiden.



«Manglende bevis for menneskeskapt global oppvarming» 

En slik bruk av ordet bevis er malplassert i klimavitenskapelig sammenheng.

Ordet bevis er knyttet til logikk og i matematikk, og begrepet anvendes på sin egen måte i rettspleien. Eksempler: Den pytagoreske læresetning er et bevis innen matematikken. Det blir gjerne regnet som et rettskraftig bevis hvis en siktet har etterlatt seg DNA-spor på åstedet. 

Naturvitenskapen formulerer/publiserer ikke sine funn som bevis. Begrepet er for kategorisk, siden det ikke kan utelukkes at nye funn kan endre opprinnelige konklusjoner.

På engelsk opererer man med to ord på dette feltet, evidence og proof ; «Proof is a fact that demonstrates something to be real or true. Evidence refers to information or facts that help us to establish the truth or existence of something. The main difference between evidence and proof is that proof is more concrete, final and conclusive than evidence”. 

Wikipedia: “Scientific evidence is evidence that serves to either support or counter a scientific theory or hypothesis. Such evidence is expected to be empirical evidence and interpretable in accordance with scientific method. Standards for scientific evidence vary according to the field of inquiry, but the strength of scientific evidence is generally based on the results of statistical analysis and the strength of scientific controls».

Sannsynlighetsbetraktninger.

Innen ulike felt av klimavitenskapen opereres det heller med grader av sannsynlighet i stedet for bevis. På noen felt er sannsynligheten så overveiende, at den har status som sikker viten, fordi det overhodet ikke er publisert studier som svekker denne sannsynligheten, altså ingen «motbevis». Eksempel er CO2 sin evne til å absorbere varmestråling.

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Bjørn Skjei gir en god beskrivelse av vitenskapelig metode, falsifikasjon og vitenskapelige gjennombrudd:

«Den kanskje mest kjente av vitenskapsfilosofene de siste 100 år er Karl Popper, og det er hans teorier det oftest vises til i debatter om vitenskap. Hans kritiske rasjonalisme var en motreaksjon mot den logiske empirismen og mot induksjonsprinsippet. Grunnlaget for Poppers hypotetisk-deduktive teori er at det er en asymmetri mellom verifikasjon og falsifikasjon, og at selv den sikreste kunnskap er usikker. Det viktigste (?) poenget for Popper var å kunne skille mellom vitenskap og pseudovitenskap (demarkasjonsprinsippet), han var svært frustrert over all overtro i sin tid, og det er gjerne i slike sammenhenger at teorien(e) hans vises til. Men nå var også Popper etter hvert fullt klar over at teorien hans ikke beskrev vitenskap slik den faktisk utføres. Den gav kun et idealisert bilde av hvordan vitenskap burde være, og derfor kalles teorien også for normativ.

Thomas Kuhn er den andre av de store vitenskapsfilosofene. «Structure of scentific revolutions» sies å være den kanskje mest siterte innen akademia de siste 50 år. Kuhn var kritisk til Poppers beskrivelse av vitenskapen. Han hevdet på bakgrunn av historien at vitenskapens fremskritt først og fremst skjer ved paradigmeskifter. Med paradigme mente Kuhn at enhver vitenskap arbeider ut et sett forutsetninger som tas som a priori sannheter uten at det stilles spørsmål ved disse. Når man så ser at denne tidligere kunnskapen er feil inntreffer et paradigmeskifte som snur opp-ned på de etablerte sannhetene. Eksempler på slike paradigmeskifter kan være skifte fra geosentrisk til heliosentrisk verdensbilde, steady state univers vs big bang, evolusjonsteorien, eller relativitetsteorien og oppdagelsen av kvantefysikken.

Det Kuhn kaller for et paradigme er altså regler for hvordan man skal gå fram når man skal studere noe. Regler som er felles for vitenskapsfolk innen et avgrenset område. Et vitenskapelig paradigme bestemmer hva som skal gjelde som fakta, hvordan disse faktaene skal tolkes, hvilke konklusjoner man kan trekke av forskjellige fakta osv. Paradigmet omfatter reglene for vitenskapelig arbeid, og reglene for diskusjon av vitenskapelige spørsmål, og det deles av alle vitenskapsfolk som arbeider innenfor et vitenskapelig område, eller en vitenskapelig skole. Paradigmet representerer en måte å se verden på og danner den rammen som en vitenskapelig virksomhet foregår innenfor. Normalt stilles ingen spørsmål ved denne rammen, paradigmet er noe vitenskapsfolkene sosialiseres inn i, på samme måte som barn lærer normer og regler i et samfunn uten å stille spørsmål ved disse.

Det er i dag ikke så lett å finne gode eksempler på vitenskap som utføres slik Popper beskriver. Kanskje særlig innen alle de forskjellige områdene av biologien og medisinen gjelder verifikasjon i langt større grad enn falsifikasjon, men også innen de diverse feltene av fysikk og kosmologi o.l, er det vanskelig å gi eksempler på at falsifikasjonsmetoden er det førende prinsippet»

https://scied.ucar.edu/carbon-dioxide-absorbs-and-re-emits-infrared-radiation

Trond V. Thomson Å gjøre CO2-dreven oppvarming til et vitenskapsteoretisk spørsmål, skaper bare en teoretisk diskusjon om hva som skal legges i 'bevis' (evidens). For å sitere Svein Skjei: "Thomas Kuhn er den andre av de store vitenskapsfilosofene. «Structure of scentific revolutions» sies å være den kanskje mest siterte innen akademia de siste 50 år. Kuhn var kritisk til Poppers beskrivelse av vitenskapen. Han hevdet på bakgrunn av historien at vitenskapens fremskritt først og fremst skjer ved paradigmeskifter. Med paradigme mente Kuhn at enhver vitenskap arbeider ut et sett forutsetninger som tas som a priori sannheter uten at det stilles spørsmål ved disse. Når man så ser at denne tidligere kunnskapen er feil intreffer et paradigmeskifte som snur opp-ned på de etablerte sannhetene. Eksempler på slike paradigmeskifter kan være skifte fra geosentrisk til heliosentrisk verdensbilde, steady state univers vs big bang, evolusjonsteorien, eller relativitetsteorien og oppdagelsen av kvantefysikken.

Det Kuhn kaller for et paradigme er altså regler for hvordan man skal gå fram når man skal studere noe. Regler som er felles for vitenskapsfolk innen et avgrenset område. Et vitenskapelig paradigme bestemmer hva som skal gjelde som fakta, hvordan disse faktaene skal tolkes, hvilke konklusjoner man kan trekke av forskjellige fakta osv. Paradigmet omfatter reglene for vitenskapelig arbeid, og reglene for diskusjon av vitenskapelige spørsmål, og det deles av alle vitenskapsfolk som arbeider innenfor et vitenskapelig område, eller en vitenskapelig skole. Paradigmet representerer en måte å se verden på og danner den rammen som en vitenskapelig virksomhet foregår innenfor. Normalt stilles ingen spørsmål ved denne rammen, paradigmet er noe vitenskapsfolkene sosialiseres inn i, på samme måte som barn lærer normer og regler i et samfunn uten å stille spørsmål ved disse.

Det er i dag ikke så lett å finne gode eksempler på vitenskap som utføres slik Popper beskriver. Kanskje særlig innen alle de forskjellige områdene av biologien og medisinen gjelder verifikasjon i langt større grad enn falsifikasjon, men også innen de diverse feltene av fysikk og kosmologi o.l, er det vanskelig å gi eksempler på at falsifikasjonsmetoden er det førende prinsippet. " I naturvitenskapen er det mer fruktbart innen de fleste felt å vurdere hva som er overveiende sannsynlig, versus det som er praktisk talt usannsynlig. 


Konsensus oppstod ikke fra en avstemning eller en samling. Den taler fra bevisene. Konsensus er basert på at mange uavhengige bevislinjer konvergerte til støtte for teorien. Konsensus er ikke absolutt sannhet. Det handler om forbedret kunnskap, å innsnevre usikkerheten. Å eliminere andre alternativer.

“Konsensus betyr ikke at det ikke er uløste problemer, eller at det ikke finnes diskusjon og uenighet. Konsensus har en hard kjerne med myke kanter. Konsensus etableres når forskere samler seg om noen tråder og forlater andre. De begynner å vise til hverandres arbeid gjennom sitering. Det etableres «fakta» som blir robuste, og som det for tiden ikke er bryet verdt å utfordre. Konsensus er samtidig noe fleksibelt, og etablerte fakta kan åpnes igjen. Dynamikken i hvordan forskere arbeider for å oppnå objektiv kunnskap er fint beskrevet i Bruno Latours «Science in Action».

Klimafornektelse på norsk - Debatt (dagsavisen.no)

"It’s a lovely idea. Lovelier yet, string theory could unify general relativity with quantum mechanics, solving what is perhaps the most stubborn problem in fundamental physics. The trouble? To put string theory to the test, we may need experiments that operate at energies far higher than any modern collider. It’s possible that experimental tests of the predictions of string theory will never be within our reach."


"The Problem of Demarcation As Popper represents it, the central problem in the philosophy of science is that of demarcation, i.e., of distinguishing between science and what he terms ‘non-science’, under which heading he ranks, amongst others, logic, metaphysics, psychoanalysis, and Adler’s individual psychology. Popper is unusual amongst contemporary philosophers in that he accepts the validity of the Humean critique of induction, and indeed, goes beyond it in arguing that induction is never actually used in science. 

However, he does not concede that this entails the scepticism which is associated with Hume, and argues that the Baconian/Newtonian insistence on the primacy of ‘pure’ observation, as the initial step in the formation of theories, is completely misguided: all observation is selective and theory-laden—there are no pure or theory-free observations. In this way he destabilises the traditional view that science can be distinguished from non-science on the basis of its inductive methodology; in contradistinction to this, Popper holds that there is no unique methodology specific to science. Science, like virtually every other human, and indeed organic, activity, Popper believes, consists largely of problem-solving. 

Popper accordingly repudiates induction and rejects the view that it is the characteristic method of scientific investigation and inference, substituting falsifiability in its place. It is easy, he argues, to obtain evidence in favour of virtually any theory, and he consequently holds that such ‘corroboration’, as he terms it, should count scientifically only if it is the positive result of a genuinely ‘risky’ prediction, which might conceivably have been false. For Popper, a theory is scientific only if it is refutable by a conceivable event. Every genuine test of a scientific theory, then, is logically an attempt to refute or to falsify it, and one genuine counter-instance falsifies the whole theory. In a critical sense, Popper’s theory of demarcation is based upon his perception of the logical asymmetry which holds between verification and falsification: it is logically impossible to conclusively verify a universal proposition by reference to experience (as Hume saw clearly), but a single counter-instance conclusively falsifies the corresponding universal law. In a word, an exception, far from ‘proving’ a rule, conclusively refutes it. Every genuine scientific theory then, in Popper’s view, is prohibitive, in the sense that it forbids, by implication, particular events or occurrences. As such it can be tested and falsified, but never logically verified. Thus Popper stresses that it should not be inferred from the fact that a theory has withstood the most rigorous testing, for however long a period of time, that it has been verified; rather we should recognise that such a theory has received a high measure of corroboration. and may be provisionally retained as the best available theory until it is finally falsified (if indeed it is ever falsified), and/or is superseded by a better theory. 

Popper has always drawn a clear distinction between the logic of falsifiability and its applied methodology. The logic of his theory is utterly simple: if a single ferrous metal is unaffected by a magnetic field it cannot be the case that all ferrous metals are affected by magnetic fields. Logically speaking, a scientific law is conclusively falsifiable although it is not conclusively verifiable. Methodologically, however, the situation is much more complex: no observation is free from the possibility of error—consequently we may question whether our experimental result was what it appeared to be. Thus, while advocating falsifiability as the criterion of demarcation for science, Popper explicitly allows for the fact that in practice a single conflicting or counter-instance is never sufficient methodologically to falsify a theory, and that scientific theories are often retained even though much of the available evidence conflicts with them, or is anomalous with respect to them. Scientific theories may, and do, arise genetically in many different ways, and the manner in which a particular scientist comes to formulate a particular theory may be of biographical interest, but it is of no consequence as far as the philosophy of science is concerned. Popper stresses in particular that there is no unique way, no single method such as induction, which functions as the route to scientific theory, a view which Einstein personally endorsed with his affirmation that ‘There is no logical path leading to [the highly universal laws of science]. 

They can only be reached by intuition, based upon something like an intellectual love of the objects of experience’. Science, in Popper’s view, starts with problems rather than with observations—it is, indeed, precisely in the context of grappling with a problem that the scientist makes observations in the first instance: his observations are selectively designed to test the extent to which a given theory functions as a satisfactory solution to a given problem. On this criterion of demarcation physics, chemistry, and (non-introspective) psychology, amongst others, are sciences, psychoanalysis is a pre-science (i.e., it undoubtedly contains useful and informative truths, but until such time as psychoanalytical theories can be formulated in such a manner as to be falsifiable, they will not attain the status of scientific theories), and astrology and phrenology are pseudo-sciences. 

Formally, then, Popper’s theory of demarcation may be articulated as follows: where a ‘basic statement’ is to be understood as a particular observation-report, then we may say that a theory is scientific if and only if it divides the class of basic statements into the following two non-empty sub-classes: (a) the class of all those basic statements with which it is inconsistent, or which it prohibits—this is the class of its potential falsifiers (i.e., those statements which, if true, falsify the whole theory), and (b) the class of those basic statements with which it is consistent, or which it permits (i.e., those statements which, if true, corroborate it, or bear it out)."


Enrique Perez-Terron:

Nye ideer blir først testet mot kjent fysikk, dvs mot historiske eksperimenter. Så blir det pønsket ut eksperimenter som gir ulike forutsigelser i den nye og den gamle teorien. Se også arbeidet med Bell's ulikheter. Dette førte til eksperimenter som la død Einsteins innvending om "spukhafte Fernvirkungen".
Det er da ikke enten falsifikasjon eller paradigmeskifte. Liksom i krigen er det ikke enten en strategi eller en taktikk. Det er begge deler. En enkelt falsifikasjon blir gjerne møtt med justeringer av paradigmet, men en storm av falsifikasjoner tvinger frem et paradigmeskifte. Slike kan sitte langt inne, jevnfør Enrico Fermis bemerkning at vitenskapen skrider frem én begravelse av gangen.
Et godt eksempel på falsifikasjon i fysikk er Michelson & Morleys null-resultat i 1890-årene, som falsifiserte teorien om den lysbærende eter. Nå er det totale bildet alltid mye mer komplisert, spesielt når det gjelder de helt fundamentale ting. Da er det så mange og så dype sammenhenger på kryss og tvers. Hendrik Lorentz forsøkte å redde eter-teorien ved å foreslå at etervinden medførte en forkortelse av alle målestaver - og kom opp med de samme formler som Einstein fant i sin første relativitetsteori. Men relativitetsteorien vant fordi den hadde en logisk sammenheng som Lorentz's hypoteser manglet.
Men egentlig var ikke Einstein inspirert av Michelson og Morleys målinger, men av teoretiske vanskeligheter med Maxwells ligninger. Disse tilsa at lysbølger reproduserer seg selv ved at et passerende magnetfelt medfører at styrken i magnetfeltet varierer på hvert sted feltet passerer, og denne variasjonen skaper et elektrisk felt, mens variasjoner i det elektriske feltet skaper det varierende magnetfeltet. Men Einstein tenkte --som ung gutt-- at hvis man beveger seg parallelt med en lysbølge i samme hastighet, da vil man ikke se noen endring i feltstyrken, for da vil bølgen være som frosset i rommet. Men da bortfaller årsaken til at bølgen er der. Einstein tolket dette som en teoretisk falsifisering av den tanke at det skulle være mulig å bevege seg i samme hastighet som lyset. Altså en falsifisering av den rådende forståelse av rom og tid, som idag gjerne knyttes til den Galileiske transformasjon.
Det er ikke nødvendigvis et klart skille mellom falsifisering og verifisering. En av de første større testene av relativitetsteorien, avbøyning av lys fra stjerner når lyset passerer nær solranden, ble observert under en solformørkelse i 1919. Den alternative hypotesen var at lyset kun ville bli avbøyd på grunn av lysbrytning i den ytterste del av solens atmosfære. Denne hypotesen ble falsifisert da avbøyningen var større enn brytning i atmosfæren skulle tilsi. Relativitetsteorien ble da ansett som styrket fordi avbøyningen var innenfor usikkerheten av summen atmosfærisk pluss relativistisk avbøyning. Altså en verifisering av relativitetsteorien.
Se også målinger av det anomale magnetiske dipolmomentet til elektroner og muoner.. Her klarer man å måle egenskaper ved eletroner og muoner så nøyaktig at det tilsvarer å bestemme avstanden fra Paris til Moskva på en brøkdels hårsbredd. Usikkerheten i målingen overlapper med usikkerheten i den teoretiske beregningen. Dette teller da som en verifikasjon av QED - quantum electrodynamics. Eller et forsøk på falsifikasjon.

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One of the polluting industries' most effective tactics has been to demand 100% proof. And if science can not produce this, there is no reason to implement regulations.


"At least since the time of Popper, scientists have understood that science provides falsification, but not “proof.” In the world of environmental and technological controversies, however, many observers continue to call precisely for “proof,” often under the guise of “scientific certainty.” Closer examination of real-world disputes suggests that such calls may reflect not just a fundamental misunderstanding of the nature of science, but a clever and surprisingly effective political-economic tactic—“Scientific Certainty” Argumentation Methods, or SCAMs. Given that most scientific findings are inherently probabilistic and ambiguous, if agencies can be prevented from imposing any regulations until they are unambiguously “justified,” most regulations can be defeated or postponed, often for decades, allowing profitable but potentially risky activities to continue unabated. An exploratory examination of previously documented controversies suggests that SCAMs are more widespread than has been recognized in the past, and that they deserve greater attention in the future." 




"It’s a lovely idea. Lovelier yet, string theory could unify general relativity with quantum mechanics, solving what is perhaps the most stubborn problem in fundamental physics. The trouble? To put string theory to the test, we may need experiments that operate at energies far higher than any modern collider. It’s possible that experimental tests of the predictions of string theory will never be within our reach."

Does Science Need Falsifiability? | NOVA | PBS

"The Problem of Demarcation As Popper represents it, the central problem in the philosophy of science is that of demarcation, i.e., of distinguishing between science and what he terms ‘non-science’, under which heading he ranks, amongst others, logic, metaphysics, psychoanalysis, and Adler’s individual psychology. Popper is unusual amongst contemporary philosophers in that he accepts the validity of the Humean critique of induction, and indeed, goes beyond it in arguing that induction is never actually used in science. 

However, he does not concede that this entails the scepticism which is associated with Hume, and argues that the Baconian/Newtonian insistence on the primacy of ‘pure’ observation, as the initial step in the formation of theories, is completely misguided: all observation is selective and theory-laden—there are no pure or theory-free observations. In this way he destabilises the traditional view that science can be distinguished from non-science on the basis of its inductive methodology; in contradistinction to this, Popper holds that there is no unique methodology specific to science. Science, like virtually every other human, and indeed organic, activity, Popper believes, consists largely of problem-solving. 

Popper accordingly repudiates induction and rejects the view that it is the characteristic method of scientific investigation and inference, substituting falsifiability in its place. It is easy, he argues, to obtain evidence in favour of virtually any theory, and he consequently holds that such ‘corroboration’, as he terms it, should count scientifically only if it is the positive result of a genuinely ‘risky’ prediction, which might conceivably have been false. For Popper, a theory is scientific only if it is refutable by a conceivable event. Every genuine test of a scientific theory, then, is logically an attempt to refute or to falsify it, and one genuine counter-instance falsifies the whole theory. In a critical sense, Popper’s theory of demarcation is based upon his perception of the logical asymmetry which holds between verification and falsification: it is logically impossible to conclusively verify a universal proposition by reference to experience (as Hume saw clearly), but a single counter-instance conclusively falsifies the corresponding universal law. In a word, an exception, far from ‘proving’ a rule, conclusively refutes it. Every genuine scientific theory then, in Popper’s view, is prohibitive, in the sense that it forbids, by implication, particular events or occurrences. As such it can be tested and falsified, but never logically verified. Thus Popper stresses that it should not be inferred from the fact that a theory has withstood the most rigorous testing, for however long a period of time, that it has been verified; rather we should recognise that such a theory has received a high measure of corroboration. and may be provisionally retained as the best available theory until it is finally falsified (if indeed it is ever falsified), and/or is superseded by a better theory. 

Popper has always drawn a clear distinction between the logic of falsifiability and its applied methodology. The logic of his theory is utterly simple: if a single ferrous metal is unaffected by a magnetic field it cannot be the case that all ferrous metals are affected by magnetic fields. Logically speaking, a scientific law is conclusively falsifiable although it is not conclusively verifiable. Methodologically, however, the situation is much more complex: no observation is free from the possibility of error—consequently we may question whether our experimental result was what it appeared to be. Thus, while advocating falsifiability as the criterion of demarcation for science, Popper explicitly allows for the fact that in practice a single conflicting or counter-instance is never sufficient methodologically to falsify a theory, and that scientific theories are often retained even though much of the available evidence conflicts with them, or is anomalous with respect to them. Scientific theories may, and do, arise genetically in many different ways, and the manner in which a particular scientist comes to formulate a particular theory may be of biographical interest, but it is of no consequence as far as the philosophy of science is concerned. Popper stresses in particular that there is no unique way, no single method such as induction, which functions as the route to scientific theory, a view which Einstein personally endorsed with his affirmation that ‘There is no logical path leading to [the highly universal laws of science]. 

They can only be reached by intuition, based upon something like an intellectual love of the objects of experience’. Science, in Popper’s view, starts with problems rather than with observations—it is, indeed, precisely in the context of grappling with a problem that the scientist makes observations in the first instance: his observations are selectively designed to test the extent to which a given theory functions as a satisfactory solution to a given problem. On this criterion of demarcation physics, chemistry, and (non-introspective) psychology, amongst others, are sciences, psychoanalysis is a pre-science (i.e., it undoubtedly contains useful and informative truths, but until such time as psychoanalytical theories can be formulated in such a manner as to be falsifiable, they will not attain the status of scientific theories), and astrology and phrenology are pseudo-sciences. 

Formally, then, Popper’s theory of demarcation may be articulated as follows: where a ‘basic statement’ is to be understood as a particular observation-report, then we may say that a theory is scientific if and only if it divides the class of basic statements into the following two non-empty sub-classes: (a) the class of all those basic statements with which it is inconsistent, or which it prohibits—this is the class of its potential falsifiers (i.e., those statements which, if true, falsify the whole theory), and (b) the class of those basic statements with which it is consistent, or which it permits (i.e., those statements which, if true, corroborate it, or bear it out)."




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mandag 9. november 2020

Skyer kan miste avkjølende effekt: – Da vil oppvarminga akselerere kraftig

 Hvilken rolle spiller de hvite dottene på himmelen for klimaet?

Spørsmålet er en nøtt for forskerne. De vet at skyer spiller en stor rolle. Men nøyaktig hvor stor, har de ikke klart å finne et tydelig svar på enda.

Når ulike klimamodeller gir ulik grad av oppvarming for samme utslippsscenarioer, så handler det stort sett om at man er usikker på hva som blir å skje med nettopp skyene.

Det forteller professor Trude Storelvmo.

– Skyer har vært en stor utfordring for oss lenge, og forskes mye på. Med denne studien er vi litt nærmere svaret, sier Storelvmo til NRK.

https://www.nrk.no/nordland/skyer-har-vaert-en-bremsekloss-for-klimaendringer_-_-na-kan-det-vaere-slutt-1.15224744?fbclid=IwAR00DrcdNM3ZRbK0fjPvlBLnekMuWgJ367kgHktdHLdlNqLO8v24zskoha0


tirsdag 3. november 2020

Året som snudde klimagassutsleppa

Det er snart fem år sidan jubelen stod i taket i Paris. Etter fem kaotiske år for klima, er det no lys i tunnelen.

Grunn til optimisme

Tvert om kan det kome til å vise seg at pandemien blei vendepunktet, at me aldri meir får sjå så høge utslepp som i 2019. Det er mange grunnar til slik optimisme:

  • utsleppa har i fleire år flata ut ved at fornybar energi erstattar ulønnsam kullkraft.
  • prisfallet på fornybar går langt raskare enn ekspertane vågde å spå for få år sidan.
  • finansmarknaden har snudd seg rundt, pengane strøymer frå fossilt til fornybar.
  • land etter land strammar inn på politikken for å overhalde Paris-avtalen.
  • pandemien vil truleg ha langvarige effektar på folks reise- og arbeidsvanar.

Mange land har peika på at når ein skal gjenreise økonomien etter pandemien, må det gjerast på ein meir berekraftig måte.

EU har lansert sin «Green Deal». Europa skal i løpet av 30 år vera verdas første klimanøytrale kontinent. Og legg vekt på at omstillinga skal opplevast rettferdig.

https://www.nrk.no/ytring/aret-som-snudde-klimagassutsleppa-1.15217440?fbclid=IwAR2U9QSGs2F06WdlXjFYKO7UzSwC98TOPFhhp2CI9drfiGjrg9KZpiBveks

Rapport: Norsk klimajournalistikk er hverken alarmistisk eller hysterisk. Det skrives ikke engang spesielt mye om klima.

25 prosent av klimajournalistikken i de utvalgte riks - og regionmediene forteller om negative utviklingstrekk

Som en kvalitativ del av rapporten, har man nærlest en rekke artikler og gjennomgått og kategorisert rundt 1000 artikler om klima. Denne gjennomgangen viser at 25 prosent av klimajournalistikken i de utvalgte riks - og regionmediene forteller om negative utviklingstrekk.
- Dette inkluderer nyheter som forteller om reelle konsekvenser av klimaendringene, om økte utslipp, temperaturøkning og andre negative forhold i kampen for å stoppe klimaendringene.
Med andre ord forteller hver 4. overskrift eller ingress knyttet til klima - om et negativt utviklingstrekk, heter det i rapporten.
"Klimaendringer, klimamål, utslipp og andre forhold knyttet til kampen for å stoppe klimaendringene utgjør 3 prosent av innholdet i norske riks- og regionmedier i 2020."
Til sammenligning utgjør dekningen av Donald Trump 3,6 prosent.

Hadde no bare "klimahysteriet" vært en promille av panikken, hysteriet, skremmescenariene og dommedagsprofetiene til fossil brensel-fanatikerne.
Som denne rapporten viser, hadde ikke tre tiår med "verden går til helvete uten oljen"-grining og gnål, rot i virkeligheten.
"Jeg mener at denne rapporten slår tilbake mot det skremmebildet oljebransjen tegner, og som i stor grad har festet seg hos politikere og befolkning, om at velferdsstaten nærmest vil slutte å eksistere hvis vi ikke fortsetter å lete etter olje og gass, sier leder Silje Lundberg i Naturvernforbundet til E24."

Predatory journal list

In Scientific Publishing, Predatory publishing , also write-only publishing or deceptive publishing, is an exploitative academic publishin...